¹ 3, 2012
Alexander Abramovich Galkin, Patriarch of the Russian Political Science, Deputy Chair of the Editorial Board of the Journal Politeia, celebrated his 90th anniversary on the 24th of July. The material that is offered to the attention of the readers is composed in the form of the “homage” and presents the collection of texts written by friends, colleagues and students of Alexander Abramovich that tells us about the hero of an anniversary as well as his contribution to the development of the social science knowledge in our country and the emergence of the Russian political science community. The collection contains works by Boris Koval, Anatoly Chernyaev, Tatyana Alekseeva, Kirill Kholodkovsky, Sergey Mikhailov, Aleksey Shestopal, Oksana Gaman-Golutvina, Olga Zdravomyslova and Leonid Blyakher.
¹ 1, 2011
The Russian identity is still far from becoming an identity of the modern epoch, however, it has not been consolidated, or frozen in numbness, which can be judged not only by its volatility, but also by “mutual penetration” of its beliefs and values, the existence of quantitative as well as significant qualitative differences between modernists and traditionalists. Having emphasized lability of the modern Russian identity, K.Holodkovsky assumes that it might face new fluctuations under the influence of both objective and subjective conditions having undergone changes. He comes to the conclusion that although the cohort of the pure modernists retreats the fact that the opposing majority lost its coherence, and new values and attitudes penetrated into its body allows to talk about the gradual – fragile, errorful, being interrupted with backwards movement – formation of new identity that will be in demand during the next stage of the Russian reforms.
¹ 3, 2009
Analyzing the spectrum of crisis influence on the society and the degree of effectiveness of the anti-crisis arrangements, the author focuses his attention on their social aspects. K.Kholodkovsky builds the hierarchy of the social and political instability demonstration possible during the crisis. In this range there are local protests, the decline of government and its leaders’ rates, nation-wide protests, the bust of governments, the radicals rise to power and, finally, collapse and chaos. The author makes the forecast of possible social and political stability violations in case of crisis stalling in Russia. The most probable scenario according to the author's opinion is development of spontaneous local protest actions with rising frequency and violence, however, with low probability of transformation into one powerful nation-wide movement.
¹ 1, 2009
On 12 November 2008 the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences held a round table discussion that analyzed the reasons and possible social and political consequences of the world economic crisis. Despite the fact that crisis processes only started gaining grounds when the discussion was held, all the participants agreed that this crisis in terms of its scale could be compared to the Great Depression of 1929–1933. At the same time, the statements underlined that, unlike the Great Depression that only affected capitalist countries with high and medium levels of development, this crisis has right away become worldwide not metaphorically, but literally. The discussion also drew attention to the crisis’s resistibility in relation to the regulating impulses that earlier allowed to deal with crisis phenomena. Participants at the round table concluded that, unless efficient anti-crisis tools are found, the crisis might create serious difficulties for the acting government or even for the whole social system, especially in the countries with poorly developed or transitional economies.
¹ 2, 2007
The readers of Politeia interested in the life of Russian political parties are used to get information from very detailed and thoughtful reviews by Yuriy Korgunyuk. This review offered to their attention is on his not less profound work that covers the experience of modern Russian party system development for more then one hundred years. K.Kholodovsky finds it one of the biggest merit of this monograph that Yu.Korgunyuk does not only give the full chronicle of the Russian party life events and facts but there is also a theoretical section; and unlike similar sections in books by many other authors the theoretical postulates are based on vivid Russian material and are pointed to a specific research guiding the analysis and helping to organize particular conclusions into a system. K.Kholodovsky believes that we did not have works on this topic where the cover of specific historical material would so successfully match its conceptual interpretation. Of course, not all Korgunyuk's conclusions seem convincing; the reviewer challenges some of them. However, the main thing, and it is well seen in the review, is that he likes to challenge them because behind each construct let not always irreproachable there is a living thought.
¹ 4, 2004
The review covers a new book by A.A.Galkin, patriarch of the Russian political science. K.Kholodkovsky emphasizes the fact that A.Galkin is one of the founders of Russian political science and political sociology, he managed to incorporate their methods in his works back during the soviet period, long before these disciplines were officially “legalized” (in the wake of the 1970s and 1990s, accordingly).
The book comprises both A.Galkin’s earlier publications and new works. The reviewer analyzes and assesses his contribution to the study of such problems as globalization, authoritarianism, federalism, state, civil society.
¹ 2, 2002
The special section of the magazine is dedicated to the memory of German Diligenskiy. It reads about Diligenskiy as a scientist and as a person. The scientist’s short autobiography and the list of his most significant works are given. And, finally, the last interview with Diligenskiy is published. In the interview he, in particular, shares his ideas about Russian political science.
¹ 3, 2000
The article is devoted to the history of appearing and developing of the scientific school of Germane Diligensky. Since the 1960-ies the studies by G. Diligensky and his disciples on the problems of socio-political relations in Western countries as well as in the field of social psychology in many ways filled the vacuum in studying of inter-political processes in Western societies. (The vacuum resulted from the enforcement of marx- ism-lenininsm stereotypes.) At the beginning of 1990-es Diligensky school started to study the key issues of the Russian society. Broad and non-triv- ial knowledge about socio-political realities of the West helped it to penetrate into Russian historical and socio-cultural peculiarities, to give a substantiated idea about the multiple stratification and the controversial results of the last decade transformation. Currently Diligensky school is a most important center of knowledge in the field of political science and social psychology.
¹ 2, 2000
Indeed, political parties have lost their monopoly on mediation between the society and the state. However, this loss has not weakened their position in the political system. At the same time, the evolution of the parties and the limitations on their functions have adversely affected the quality of politics, reinforced the technological aspect to the detriment of the strategic one, weakened the link between political parties and the civil society. Elements of direct democracy, which are gaining ground in Europe, are called on to oppose these negative trends.
¹ 2, 1998
For several centuries an objective need for modernisation in Russia has been constantly provoking a differentiation of the society along some demarcation lines (cleavages) that did not coincide. With each other the same demarcation lines are reproduced in the post-communist Russia, making up the main co-ordinates that the political actors abided by. Ideological and political differentiation is not limited to the elite, but to this or that extend is applicable to the bulk of the society. We can speak not only about its social roots but also about its relationship with historic sub-cultures. Ideological and political differentiation lays the basis for a modern party system in Russia.
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