¹ 1, 2019
The history of the new Ukrainian autocephaly once again proves the utopian nature of the idea of the universal Orthodoxy, based on strict adherence to the gospel principles. Although all parties to the current Church conflict officially defend such principles, in practice none of them follow them. Universalism is replaced by the competing versions of nationalism, which provides Churches with additional legitimacy in the increasingly secu- larizing societies that pay little attention to the Church dogma, but at the same time retain archaic features. The key factor in the world Orthodox politics is the longstanding rivalry between the Russian and Constantinople churches, which is largely related to the competition between the two national ideas, the Russian and the Greek. This is why the Church of Constantinople unilaterally granted autocephaly to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine. The Ukrainian autocephalist movement from the very beginning was based on a demonstrative repulsion for Moscow and has an anti-imperial politicized nature. Constantinople’s universalism, which disguises centuries-old nationalism, led to a paradoxical result — the Ecumenical Patriarchate legitimized the creation of a national Church, aimed at maximally weakening its main rival. This is despite the fact that the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, which is the largest in terms of the number of parishes and constitutes an integral part of the Moscow Patriarchate, was not admitted to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine.
¹ 2, 2006
The author generalizes suppositions and forecasts who will be President V. Putin’s successor. He reviews such candidates as Dmitriy Medvedev, Sergey Ivanov, Sergey Sobyanin, Vladimir Yakunin, Alexander Tkachev, Alexander Konovalov made by political commentators and analysts. This is an opportunity for A. Makarkin to analyze the alignment of forces in the power and the composition of Putin’s surrounding. According to the author, even when the current president makes his choice the issue of the succession format will not be exhausted yet. A. Makarkin believes that after the next presidential elections Russia will evolve to more “collectivistic” leadership within which the political arbitration will be carried out not so much by the new head of the state but by his predecessor.
¹ 3, 2000
The authors focus their attention on the results and prospects of the Russian federal reform. The authors review the first actions of Mr. Putin’s Administration and Kremlin’s further possible steps in this direction, and give would-be scenarios of federal structures’ development. They believe that the most probable way of the federal districts development is their strengthening as the basis of the new national administrative-territorial division, as well as empowering of the Presidential Plenipotentiary Representatives with the real mechanisms of control over their territories under a decisive suppression of any disintegration processes. As far as the Federation Council, according to the authors, it will most likely turn into an analogue of the German Bundesrat, and will be influenced by both federal and regional executive authorities. Besides, analyzing regional leaders’ reaction to the current reforms, and the levers which the Kremlin has to influence the results of regional elections the authors come to the conclusion that the success of the federal reform will largely depend on the fact of how much thoroughly the federal authorities think out their actions pointed to regional elite. The authors believe that this very factor will ensure national stability, and will allow to take into consideration the interests of all the main actors of the political process, thus avoiding the stuck of the reform.
¹ 1, 1998
Traditional soviet elites today undergo serious transformations. The nomenclatura principle of their formation is gradually getting a matter of the past though the innovations are rather evolutionary than revolutionary by nature. The events of August 1991 have accelerated the process of the new people coming to power and they occupied key positions in the structures of representative and executive branches of power in a number of regions. However in most cases «the newcomers» are responsible to the «old guard» and the tendency is getting ever stronger.
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