№ 3, 2020
The revolution is both the legitimizing and the negated center of the ideological coordinates of Modernity. In terms of the speed of social change, it is difficult to describe the historical evolution of Modernity from an early industrial, class-national political form to a late, or global, state other than as a low-intensity revolution. At the same time, this permanent modernization is not revolutionary in the sense that periodic splits of elites, elite coups, national liberation movements, etc. by themselves, they do not imply fundamental changes in the value-institutional constitution of the modern political order. Accordingly, the possibility of a new revolution is conditioned by the potential refusal of modern society to deploy the Modern revolution in favor of an alternative utopian political project that surpasses the current configuration of social forces in terms of its ability to political legitimation, universalization and totalization. If capitalism, the liberal consensus that legitimizes it, and the nation-state as the dominant format for their synthesis are the value-institutional quintessence of the modern political order, then challenges to free markets, liberalism, and nationalism will be the most obvious way to crystallize revolutionary movements. At present, despite postmodern and neoliberal criticism of the liberal consensus, growing populism, the obvious limits of the market model of capitalism, the shortcomings of representative democracy, the weakening of the social state, and other challenges to the late modern Political order, we are talking about its internal transformations rather than a full-fledged alternative to this order. In the long run, a serious (and possibly revolutionary) correction of this law may result from the increasing rent adjustment of capitalism.
Martyanov V. S.
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