¹ 4, 2014
n this article A.Okara attempts to comprehend the role of political journalism in the social life of the modern Russia. The second part of the article published in this issue (for the first part, see Politeia, 2014, ¹ 3) examines the political journalists’ perception of politics and politicians, their status as the “fourth power”, as well as their role in managing perceptions of legitimacy of power structures. Having pointed out the growing influence of journalists as creators of the meanings, “correctors” of the picture of what is going on, creators of virtual reality (as well as their decreasing role as intermediaries between events and society), the author also demonstrates that to date the impact of domestic journalists and journalism on politics remains mostly fragmentary, unsystematic, and sporadic.
¹ 3, 2014
In this article A.Okara attempts to comprehend the role of political journalism in the social life of modern Russia. The first part of the article published in this issue is devoted to the analysis of the status of political journalists in the structure of the political class, the structure of the community of political journalists per se, as well as their genuine influence on the character of political decisions. Having fixed duality of the professional nature of political journalism and status of political journalists, the author shows that under the current circumstances in Russia journalists are both “servants” of the authorities who articulate those interpretations of the events that were ordered on a paid basis, and “demiurges” – creators of meanings and pictures of reality that are able to control consciousness and actions not only of mass audience, but also of politicians who order them.
¹ 1, 2008
How important is sub-ethnic identity for great Russians? Are its development and deepening productive? What is the optimal correlation between Russians as a political nation and great Russians as an ethno-cultural community? What is “Russianness” for today’s Russia and Russians? After thorough analysis of the processes taking place at sub-ethnic, ethnic and super-ethnic identity levels of modern great Russian A.Okara demonstrates that the deliberate and reflected upon sub-ethnic and cultural diversity of great Russian ethnos can become a pledge of Russia’s unity as a state. According to his conclusion, Russia, where sub-ethnic identity will be actualized and introduced into a cultural use, will no longer be a one-dimensional “Russia of Moscow and the Rest” and will transform into a country of multiple voices, where all the manifestations of metaphysical “Russianness”, political “Russianness” and ethno-cultural “great Russianness” would turn towards the future.
¹ 3, 2007
The article covers the analysis of factors impairing Russian-Ukrainian mutual understanding. Stating that Russia and Ukraine are very close and similar to each other in many areas the author reveals deep differences in the constructive specificities of those very "historical development generators" that set the direction and velocity of each of the country`s movement in space and time. A.Okara convincingly shows that from the prospective of political culture and the combination of social stability and instability, Chaos and Order paradigm Ukraine and Russia are phenomena in many ways contradicting each other. At the same time these countries are so closely interrelated that their historical future first of all depends on the nature of bilateral relations. According to the author the most promising relationships for both countries would not be the ones based on "subtraction" or just simple "addition" of their potentials but on the "multiplication" of these potentials via synergetic cooperation on strategic issues. In his opinion this is the quest of the format for such cooperation that should become the basis of Russian-Ukrainian relationships.
¹ 1, 2007
The article deals with the analysis of concept “sovereign democracy” as a complex multi-layered political ideological project addressing the formation of “Putin’s discourse” that is seen as a certain textual contextual political quintessence of the epoch. Having found out the powerful “conservative-revolutionary” component the author proves that the power and its ideologists started to use the “conservative revolution” concepts not due to the ideological metamorphosis but due to the fact that its own conceptual toolkit was exhausted. The values of order and stability as well as the “anti-orange” rhetoric lost their effectiveness while the regime’s mobilization needs significantly rose including due to the coming parliamentary and presidential elections. According to A. Okara from the point of view of political ideological marketing and Putin’s regime survival merging of the conservative protective camp political organizational and media possibilities with the conservative revolutionary system of values (with a touch of liberal rhetoric) is quite adequate response to the challenges of the time under our conditions.
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