¹ 2, 2004
The analysis of electoral preferences is one of traditional and the most advanced directions of the political science. A number of principle approaches and applied techniques to the analysis of the electorate's behavior has turned from an experimental category into the area of research routine. At the same time looking-for such integrating parameters, which would allow appreciating to the maximum practicable extent and, if it is possible, just to assay the current state of political area and vectors of its evolution, has not been quitted. The article offers the handling to this task, which is bound up with the appliance of a new kind of one of such parameters - an index of polarization.
¹ 1, 2004
The article states that authority institutions based on democratic principles have existed in Russia for about fifteen years. But the country still cannot create an electoral system that would conform with the logic of such principles. The author explains the reasons of the failure to form a viable system of changing the ruling political parties. The work provides as well some considerations on the discussion on prospects of a new electoral system change.
¹ 4, 2003
Editor-in-chief of the “Politeia”, President of the “Russian Public Policy Center” Foundation A.M.Salmin presents this edition and sees its main goal in the fullest, multifold introduction of an extremely complex phenomenon of local self-government.
¹ 3, 2003
The article covers the analysis of the transformations, which followed the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The author weighs and assesses functioning of both structures and phenomena (alternative-based elections, territorial decentralization of public administration, allegedly pluralistic Mass Media) comparatively new for Russia, and the nature of the changes at the inherited institutions (armed forces, law enforcing agencies, education and science). The specifics of the new Russian market bureaucratic environment (oligarchs, clans, teams, privatization factors and structures of Russian state authorities) are in the focus of A. Salmin’s attention too. In his opinion, not only the extra elements make the current Russian regime different from developed democracies but also certain institutional vacancies occurred at the state-society borderline, because of the evident social inability to political self-organization and advocacy.
¹ 2, 2003
Interview of Alexei Salmin, editor-in-chief of the ‘Politeia’ journal and chairman of the Russian National Committee of Political Sociology, to Sergey Patrushev, board of directors’ head of the Russian Association of Political Science.
A.M. Salmin dwells on the state of Russian political science, its main characteristics and prospects. Mr.Salmin refutes a popular idea that the very development of political science in Russia commenced in 1989. In his opinion, the formation of political science started even before 1917, and it existed, though under different pseudonyms, through the Soviet period. The interview talks about the level of political education, and particularly about the systemic approach to presenting the knowledge. Salmin warns against two temptations. First, against creating some separate national political science – because science, including the humanitarian science, is universal. Second, against joining any foreign scientific school. Each country needs its own political science possessing universal value.
¹ 4, 2002
¹ 2, 2002
The special section of the magazine is dedicated to the memory of German Diligenskiy. It reads about Diligenskiy as a scientist and as a person. The scientist’s short autobiography and the list of his most significant works are given. And, finally, the last interview with Diligenskiy is published. In the interview he, in particular, shares his ideas about Russian political science.
¹ 1, 2002
The author focuses his attention on the situation after September the 11-th. He tries to explain it with the help of the famous concept of the “conflict of civilizations.” A. Salmin is critical about such views, and gives his own vision of new processes and phenomena. He does not think that that the hasty turn to the idea of the conflict of civilizations is fruitful both in this and a number of other cases. In his opinion, the tension between cultures sometimes growing into open conflicts is the constant of the social order like many (for example, interethnic) contradictions and clashes.
¹ 5, 2001
Investigating the mechanisms of foreign policy decision making in post-soviet Russia the author thoroughly describes the three groups of fac tors, which determine the mode of functioning of these mechanisms. These are: 1) external challenges (this category includes both the impulses of modem origin coming from abroad and the circumstances of historical nature inherited by the Russian Federation from its predecessors, first of all from the USSR, as well as from the Russian Empire; 2) general char acteristics o f the political regime (institutional, subjective and ideological); 3) domestic policy actors (federal, executive and legislative bodies, regional elites, political parties, political clubs, non-governmental organizations, religious confessions), and the dynamics of the mood of the society. The author concludes that contrasting to the public opinion, in the 1990-ies, in Russia, a more or less efficient system of foreign policy decision making and realization meeting the minimum requirements of effectiveness was formed. It was shaping under the conditions when the integral idea about Russia’s desired place in the world lacked. The main goal of the new decade should become the optimization of this system developing parallel to working out such an idea and to the process of foreign policy contexts defragmentation.
¹ 1, 2001
In the introductory articles A.M. Salmin, the President of Russian Public Policy Center and A.S. Gritsenko, the President of the Ukrainian Center of Economic and Political Research named after Alexander Razumkov, assess the modem level of relationships between Russia and Ukraine. In addition, they explain the reasons that made both partner organizations prepare a joint issue of the magazine «Politeia».
¹ 3, 2000
The fourth series of articles published in the «Politeia» digest within the project of the Russian Public Policy Center Foundation «Dimensions of liberty: parliamentary electoral process in the post-soviet Russia» presents a multi-dimensional analysis of Russian political space according to the axis of socio-economic, political and cultural liberty. The short summary of the results of the studies of the mono-dimensional model structured according to the axis of socio-economic freedom is followed by the description of the tendencies revealed during the analysis of the two other dimensions of freedom, and a volumetric model of Russian political space is offered. The studies prove that the space remains structured by the theme of freedom. However, different aspects of freedom are not equally relevant. The parliamentary political process is determined, first, by the theme of socio-economic freedom, second, by the theme of political freedom, and the least of all, by the theme of cultural freedom. According to the authors, the current process of de-ideologization, though taking place on a restricted scale, means neither the de-politization of the society at large, nor of its political elite.
¹ 2, 2000
Russia in the New European and World Order (Speech delivered at the Second Gorchakov Readings at Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University) of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation on May 23, 2000)
With the bipolar world coming to its end, the strategic task is to optimize Russia's position in it, utilizing all opportunities and resources available, in spite of the rather unfavorable external and domestic start-up conditions. The practical, and practically impossible, mission is not to become one of the poles in the international system, but rather to have Russia actively involved in the shaping of this system and its functioning in the foreseeable future. This is the crossroads, the divergence of two foreign policy strategies. One of them reaffirms the already existing trend of isolating Russia from the rest of the world and is conducive to overstrain, general degradation and, in the worst-case scenario, to decay. The other trend would lead to a reasonable adequacy of foreign policy and defense efforts, to the rational integration into both existing and tentative legal, economic and defense structures.
¹ 4, 1999
In the article are shown the results of the first stage of the research carried out by the Analytical center of "RPPC", aimed at the studies of the impact of the institutionally normative design of the Russian electoral process on its results, the revelation of the main tendencies of the expression of will transformation and the formation of a multidimensional model of the Russian political space. The article is devoted to the analysis of the "voting machine" operation in 1993, 1995 and 1999 within one of the dimensions of this space: "state trusteeship" / "freedom on the market conditions" scales. The comparative analysis allows to the authors to make a number of nontrivial conclusions. In particular, the research has shown that owing to the coincidence of two processes - the "drying out of the marsh" and the approach of the potential of the lefts and the rights to somewhat average values - the political views which are not encompassed by the strict ideological cores constitute the right and the left center. Thus, contrary to the widespread opinion, the disideologization of the Russian policy is not followed by its depolitization.
In the article the author shares his memories about the outstanding soviet philosopher of law N.N.Razumovich.
¹ 1, 1998
The article by Alexey Salmin is a sort of introduction to the discussion «Russia on its way to succession» that is being initiated by the POLITEIA. The author shows that in spite of the fact that system of constitutional institutes of power has emerged in the Russia of today, the state construction was not completed. The state repeatedly fails to express its essence, in other words, to create a system of simple and adoptable convictions,images and taboos, that could be passed from one generation to another; for the self-preservation of the society it is at least as important as state institutions in a narrow sense of the word.
Russia lacks legally adopted symbolics, (the motto, the anthem, the State Emblem ) , as well as the party system in the proper sense of the word and the convictions that would be shared by the majority of the society. The problem is that in March 1917 the organic legal evolution was interrupted in Russia - and 80 years after the question arises: what legal tradition has Russia inherited? what should be its state-legal base?
¹ 4, 1997
In Russia, unlike classical «oriental societies» and like classical western societies, there is an obvious division of the society in accordance with their attitude to the religion and the church.. However this division - still? - enters the sphere of public politics only sporadically. A prospective of forming a party-political system in Russia will to a certain extend depend on the emergence polity of an active and politically engaged orthodox electorate. And — contrary to what many scholars would believe - this possibility is not at all an illusion. Facing numerous objective and subjective difficulties, the Orthodox Church has found a solid position in the post-soviet polity and not only in the institutional but also in the cultural sense of the word. And the high interest to everything dealing with the matters of faith - and the Orthodoxy in particular - is a proof to that.
¹ 1, 1997
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¹ 1, 1996
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