¹ 4, 2018
The article analyses the results of the presidential elections in the post-Soviet Russia through the lenses of the cleavage theory. The research methodology includes factor analysis, correlation and regression analysis as well as special methodological tools: coefficients of maximum and effective range, politicization and socialization of electoral cleavages, and a coefficient of aggregate dispersion of electoral cleavages.
The author concludes that parliamentary elections represent a much more fruitful ground for such studies because the existence of a front runner in presidential elections significantly distorts the political and electoral space of a country. The structure of the political cleavages (PCs) in elections by party lists has always been stable. All three PCs — socioeconomic, authoritarian-democratic and systemic — became evident already in 1993 and their hierarchy did not change throughout almost the entire post-Soviet period. In contrast, in the presidential elections these cleavages appeared separately only in 2000 and 2018, while in other cases systemic political cleavage “bandwagoned” with either socioeconomic or authoritarian-democratic cleavage.
The author also documents different developmental trajectories in the structure of the electoral cleavages (ECs). In the presidential elections all three political cleavages initially were mapped into a single electoral cleavage, while in the parliamentary elections different political cleavages corresponded to different electoral cleavages. The structure of electoral cleavages in the presidential and State Duma elections became similar only in the 2000s, when the first electoral cleavage became associated with the authoritarian-democratic political one and the second EC — with the socio-economic PC. At the same time, 2016 and 2018 parliamentary and presidential elections witnessed a complete convergence to a single structure of political and electoral cleavages.
¹ 2, 2016
The article is devoted to the study of changes in the party political space of Russia. On the basis of analyzing the results of the regional elections held on September 13, 2015, Yu.Korgunyuk and S.Shpagin denote the strengthening of the tendency that started a year earlier to “hermetization” of the party political system of the country and to waning of the effect of the 2012 party reform, and at the same time the fragility of the ground beneath this seeming stability. The elections were accompanied by further simplification and flattening of the political space. All regions without a single exception witnessed the number of political cleavages reduced to two. The number of electoral cleavages also dropped. The authors conclude that the 2016 Duma elections will see further tightening of the political and electoral space with fractures along the weakest links. The only question is where exactly these fractures will appear and whether they entail the failure of the whole system.
¹ 3, 2014
Structure of electoral cleavages is an important indicator of the socio-political state of society. However, studying this topic at the level of a country at large is fraught with serious mistakes: if elections are fair in some places and merely imitative in others, the overall picture may be akin to the average temperature in the hospital. To solve this problem, Yu.Korgunyuk turns to the analysis of data at the level of territorial electoral commissions employing his own methodology. His research results in a type of regional map of electoral cleavages that allows to understand in which regions of the Russian Federation electoral life is still lingering on, and in which its demise has become irreversible.
¹ 3, 2013
The article presents and describes in detail the technique of factor analysis application for identifying ties between electoral and political cleavages as well as factors of social stratification of society. The use of this technique within the study of political and social content of the electoral cleavages in the post-Soviet Russia (1993–2011) allowed the author to obtain several nontrivial results concerning the structure of political space cleavages in the country. In contrast to the theory of problem dimensions, the proposed method provides an opportunity to study these cleavages in their natural unity, in which they exist within the political reality, rather than in the artificially “decomposed” form.
¹ 3, 2012
On the basis of the analysis of the 2011–2012 parliamentary and presidential elections conducted with the help of mathematical instruments with some of them being known for a long time and others relatively new, Yu.Korgunyuk comes to the conclusion that in the nearest future the political situation in Russia will be determined by the aggravation of tensions along the line “those in power – those not in power”, “the power – the public”. One could have avoided it if V.Putin had not taken the decision to occupy the presidential chair again. Now the tension will be growing until the change of the regime or at least the head of state. Throughout the history of the country similar situations took place at least twice – in the beginning and at the end of the 20th century – and ended up with the regime change and after a while reproduction of the strict authoritarian power to this or that extent. Whether this time Russia will be able to break through the vicious circle or not will depend, according to the author’s opinion, on many circumstances, in particular, on the exact nature of the regime change – whether it is evolutionary or revolutionary.
¹ 1, 2012
On the basis of the analysis of the socio-demographic composition of the ruling organs of the “United Russia” Yu.Korgunyuk draws the conclusion that the structure of these organs mirrors the structure of the country’s ruling elite: the upper layer is represented by the high-level federal and regional bureaucracy, then we see leaders of the federal parliament and then – heads of the regional legislatures. The representatives of business and intellectuals are also present in this elite, not as independent force, but rather as either dissolved within members of parliament or as auxiliaries that serve the upper layer of the elite as experts and specialists. The research carried out by the author indicates that the “United Russia” despite its numerous rows is a machine with its main purpose being helping bureaucracy to build hierarchic relations with entrepreneurial and intellectual elites rather than a mass party.
¹ 2, 2011
The author demonstrates on the basis of the electoral cleavages during the 1995, 1999, 2003 and 2007 Russian Federation State Duma elections that deideologization of the Russian electoral process was a reason rather than an implication of the administrative expansion. His analysis indicates that as the ideological fervor in the society is fading, a voter’s role as a subject of choice is decreasing, whereas his/her role as an object of manipulation, from the side of the power holders, is increasing. Vast openings emerged in the electoral space where bureaucracy directed its expansion. Yu.Korgunyuk concludes that the modern pseudopartisanship of the Russian politics is largely a cost for the shortage of subjectness possessed by broad masses of population as well as by political elite.
¹ 3, 2010
The article is devoted to the position of political parties in the modern Russian society and its political system through the analysis of the specificity of parties’ financing. Demonstrating the gradual displacement and replacement of sponsors’ contributions that have long served as the main source for parties’ funds by state subsidies, Yu.Korgunyuk provides compelling evidence that this displacement was a part of the broader bureaucratic expansion into the public policy sphere. According to the author’s conclusions, the success of this expansion can be accounted for by the fact that parties in their opposition towards the administrative pressure relied upon the “mutually beneficial” contacts with the narrow circle of wealthy entrepreneurs rather than broad civil support. Therefore, the moment that the political power took control of business, it was not too hard for it to cope with the opposition in the face of political parties.
¹ 2, 2010
HOW DOMINANT PARTIES LOSE, OR WHAT ONE CAN LEARN FROM MEXICAN CASE (Greene K.F. Why Dominant Parties Lose: Mexico's Democratization in Comparative Perspective. – Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)
Having thoroughly analyzed the conception of party dominancy proposed by the author of the reviewed monograph, Yu.Korgunyuk considers opportunities of its usage within the realities of the modern Russia. He argues that despite the substantial differences between the situation in Russia and the one that took place in Mexico under the ruling of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, Russia could still draw some lessons from the Mexican experience. In the first place it regards behavior of the opposition that is today fragmented and pushed into reservations. The history of the Mexican party system demonstrates that the opposition can get rid of the stigma of being a built-in loser only if it refuses from the “niche” policy and moves towards mass electorate. However, approaching mass voters is impossible without different groups of opposition getting closer at the same time. The oppositionists, of course if they want to win sometimes in the future, should stop playing up to the government and switch to the elaboration of compromising approaches.
¹ 4, 2009
Having studied the electoral cleavages during the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation held on the basis of the proportional system, Yu.Korgunyuk proves the flaw of both apologetic and hypercritical approaches to the establishment of the pseudodominant party system in Russia. His analysis of the territorial differences in the support for the political forces shows that this system is “hand-made” and its formation is a result of the administrative expansion into the sphere of public politics. In its turn, the research on the shifts in the Russian voters’ preferences indicates that this system is based not only on the administrative resource rather adequately reflecting the majority sentiments of the population and skillfully fitting into the latter when there is any new shift in the conjuncture.
¹ 2, 2009
In this traditional for the “Politeia” journal review Y.Korgunyuk analyzes processes in the life of Russian political parties in late 2008 – early 2009. According to the author’s conclusion, the current economic crisis, though does not promise any dividends to opposition parties, can at the same time cause serious problems to the ruling circles. The system established in recent years, where independent political players are replaced by various simulators, and electoral process is under strict administrative control, keeps public discontent away from the political sphere only temporarily. And even if today’s leaders manage to pass through the most difficult phase of the crisis without serious losses, there are no guarantees that the protest potential accumulated in the society will not reveal itself at the moment when it seems that the worst has been left behind.
¹ 1, 2009
Based on a detailed analysis of the “United Russia”’s experience in organization construction, Y.Korgunyuk convincingly proves that the seven years that passed since the party’s creation witnessed the extermination of all features of political subjectness. A thorough selection resulted in that the “United Russia” leadership came to consist of people whose main value is the ability to keenly catch the desires of high authorities and fluctuate according to the moods that prevail with the leaders. The same picture was seen at the local level. If initially in regional organizations there were people that were capable to challenge governors, a couple of years later they were replaced by obedient performers. At the same time regional offices of the “United Russia” remained an arena of opposition between Kremlin and heads of subjects of the RF, as well as between different clans of the local elite. Y.Korgunyuk concludes that the aspiration to make the “party of power” absolutely manageable has turned it into an absolutely inefficient political instrument. In the framework of the party’s “vertical of power” that copies the state’s bureaucratic hierarchy the attempts to increase the role of the “United Russia” by endowing it with the functions of political recruitment or the mechanism of feedback inevitably turn out to be nothing but imitation.
¹ 4, 2008
From this issue the traditional for the “Politeia” journal reviews by Yu.Korgunyuk will be published in a different format. The current review analyzes the processes in the life of political parties in the summer-autumn 2008. The author states that the unification of the Union of Right Forces, the “Civilian Power” and the Democratic Party of Russia signifies the creation by the right forces of a structure absolutely loyal to the authorities and thus completes the “cleanup” of the political landscape initiated by the authorities eight years ago. Yu.Korgunyuk believes that the return to a real political life in Russia can only be possible if the remaining opposition forces in the country will learn to find common ground.
¹ 3, 2008
The monograph reviewed by Yu.Korgunyuk distinctly stands out among multiple publications on political parties’ problems. The preparation of the monograph that focused both on parties and on their interaction involved researchers from about fifteen states. Yu.Korgunyuk sequentially analyzes specific chapters of the monograph and makes a number of judgments on the prospects of party-political system in general. In his opinion, to speak about the end of parties is a serious exaggeration. Parties are still key players at the political arena and will remain such in the foreseeable future.
¹ 2, 2008
The traditional for the “Politeia” journal review deals with key events in the life of the Russian political parties from January to April 2007. Unlike previous reviews, the analysis of the alignment of political forces within the country that accompanies the current events record sums up the results not only of the current political season but of the entire existence of the second party system in Russia. As Yu.Korgunyuk has concluded, Russia’s party system in its present form cannot develop — it can only retrograde. Administrative interference has upset “the natural course of things” to the extent of making mutation irreversible: the prevalent subjects of the party life are impossible “to modernize” — it is much easier to toss them off the board and start everything all over again.
¹ 1, 2008
The traditional for the “Politeia” journal review presents key events in the life of Russian political parties in November-December 2007. As usual, the chronicle analyzes the alignment of political forces in the country during that period. The main emphasis, naturally, is placed on the State Duma elections held in December. The author comments on the “electoral engineering” that was used, assesses the prospects of all the established political trends in considerably different co-ordinates.
¹ 3, 2007
In the traditional for the magazine review Yu.Korgunyuk presents the main events in the life of Russian political parties in August-October 2007. As usual the chronicle is accompanied by analysis of the alignment of political forces in the country. According to the author the today`s situation in Russia reminds of Brazil in 1964—1985. The current Russian reality reminds of the Brazilian situation in that time not only by the same complete immunity of the supreme power from any impact on the side of political parties and the scale of electoral engineering but also by the artificial, subjectless and unstable nature of the "party of the power" whose positions are supported by purely administrative efforts.
¹ 2, 2007
In the traditional for the magazine review Yu.Korgunyuk presents the main events in the life of Russian political parties in summer 2007. As usual the chronicle is accompanied by analysis of the alignment of political forces in the country for this period. According to the author's conclusion already today long before the start of the Duma campaign practically all Russian parties count on the “bear speculation” which implies not the mobilization of supporters but the direct appeal to voters (via the mass media.) The material convincingly shows that by now in Russia there is not a single party-club that engages politically active people. If at the elections of 2003 there were some elements of the club structure at the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Union of the Right Forces and “Yabloko” then now they turned into “election machines” like “Edinaya Rossia” and the LDPR.
¹ 1, 2007
In the traditional for magazine “Politeia” review the main events from the life of Russian political parties in spring 2007 are presented. As a rule the chronicle is accompanied by the analysis of the alignment of Russian political party forces in this period of time. The author focuses on the March elections to regional legislatures. He tries to draw the attention to such features as the dominance of the pro-government forces in the information environment the active use of the administrative resource and the dismissal of “extra” candidates for the elections. According to Y. Korgunyuk such actions on the side of the authorities are counter-productive and only contributes to the creation of opposition coalitions.
¹ 4, 2006
The traditional for the “Politeia” journal review presents main events in the life of Russian political parties in winter 2006-2007. As usual, the chronicle is accompanied by analysis of alignment of political forces in Russia during that period. According to Y.Korgunyuk, never in the history of post-soviet Russia the political pendulum has swung so far to the left as now, in the beginning of the next parliamentary elections’ year. At the same time, today’s orientation to the left is clearly devoid of former hard-edged red bunting coloration. It reflects uncertainty, mixture of all possible notions, flavoured with populist rhetoric. An acceptable alternative to that option, according to the author, can be only a left-wing government operating in the atmosphere of political competition.
¹ 3, 2006
The traditional for the «Politeia» journal chronicle presents main events in the life of Russian political parties in the fall of 2006. As usual, the chronicle provides for an analysis of the distribution of political forces in Russia during the given timeframe. The author comments on the shifts in all segments of the Russian political domain.
In Korgunyuk’s view, the power purposefully scares the society away from participation in political life, thus forcing a considerable part of politics to go ‘underground’. And those processes that have inevitably started to grow ripe there eventually could create serious problems both for the power itself and for democracy in general.
¹ 2, 2006
In the section traditional for “Politeia”, the main events in the life of Russian political parties in summer 2006 are presented. As usual this chronicle is accompanied with the analysis of the correlation of political forces in the country for the period. The author comments on the changes in all the segments of the Russian political spectrum. Y. Korgunyuk especially dwells on the new aspects in the development of the Russian party system related to shifting from the dominant system (with the “United Russia” in its center.) The declared unification of the “Russian party of Life”, “Russian party of Pensioners” and “Fatherland” is interpreted as another attempt to develop the populist part of the electoral field.
¹ 1, 2006
In the traditional for magazine “Politeia” chronicle the main events in the life of Russian political parties in spring 2006 are presented. As usual this review is accompanied by the analysis of the disposition of Russian political forces in this period of time. In particular the author focuses on the situation at the both wings of the Russian politics - the liberal and the left radical. Special attention is paid to the continuing attempts of the power to replace current Russian political parties by puppet pseudo parties. According to Yo. Korgunyuk this does not concern only the spectrum loyal to the power but the opposition as well.
¹ 4, 2005
In the traditional for magazine "Politeia" chronicle the main events in the life of Russian political parties in autumn 2005 - winter 2006 are presented. As usual this review is accompanied by the analysis of the disposition of Russian political forces in this period of time. The author comments on changes in all the segments of the Russian political field.
In the article Youry Kourgunyak responds to the federal power critics who contend that in Russia the totalitarian regime was established. In his opinion the current power is rather pblebiscitarian then authoritarian. He considers the plebiscites (elections) on the trust to the President personally and the ruling bureaucratic circle in general to be the source of its legitimization.
¹ 2, 2005
In the “Politeia’s” traditional chronicle the author presents key events in the life of Russian political parties in summer 2005. As usual, the chronicle is supplemented by the analysis of alignment of political forces in Russia during the period in question. Y.Korgunyuk believes that today, at the time of public recession, all types of inter-party connections and relations underwent the erosion. From this point he stresses the processes in the “Rodina” party, as well as a difficult relationship between “Yabloko” and the Union of right forces. A considerable attention is devoted to preparations to Moscow State Duma elections.
¹ 1, 2005
In a traditional "Politeia’s" quarterly review the author analyzes the alignment of political forces in Russia in spring 2005, provides the chronicle of main developments in the life of Russian political parties during the reviewed period. The author focuses on political consequences of mass discontent and resistance provoked by monetization of social benefits.
¹ 4, 2004
In the traditional section of the “Politeia” journal the author provides the chronicle of the main developments in the life of Russian political parties in winter 2004-2005. As usual, the chronicle is supported by the analysis of alignment of political forces during the period. According to the author, the crisis following the repeal of benefits has stimulated radical shifts across the political spectrum. Youry Korgunyuk believes that the new populist wave is capable of ultimately reshaping the map of party discrepancy.
¹ 3, 2004
“Politeia” traditional section gives the chronicle of the main events in Russian political party life in autumn 2004. As usual, the chronicle is supplemented by the analysis of the alignment of political forces in this period. The author considers that the reform of power initiated by President V. Putin signifies a quality shift in the development of the Russian political system and will be of much impact on the party political system.
¹ 2, 2004
In the traditional for "Politeia" review the chronicle of main events in the life of Russian political parties in summer of 2004 is introduced. As usual the chronicle is supplemented by the analysis of arrangement of political forces in the country at the above-mentioned period. The author comments upon executive authority intentions to convert the State Duma elections to proportional system entirely and to refuse direct elections of provincial governors.
¹ 1, 2004
The article analyzes the evolution of political parties throughout one and a half centuries of their existence, and examines how this process was reflected in academic literature. The author pays considerable attention to the development of organized forms of political parties in Russia. In this connection he addresses both our country’s historical and modern experience. Having consecutively studied major political parties, the author concludes that none of them really needs mass structures of a classical type. According to Y.Korgunyuk, the massive number of party members and the ability to influence political life have long ago ceased to be the same thing.
The ‘Politeia’s traditional section provides a chronicle of Russian political parties’ life from December 2003 to May 2004. As usual, the chronicle is supplemented by the analysis of political forces’ position in the country during this period. The author pays particular attention to the phenomenon of pseudo-party system, which, he believes, has been formed in the country since the latest parliamentary elections.
¹ 4, 2003
The article analyses the degree of political parties’ involvement in the process of formation of a system of local self-government, which, according to the author, is one of the corner-stones of today’s political organization. Y.Korgunyuk analyses to what extent political parties have realized the problems connected with local self-government and to what extent they are involved in solving such problems in practice. The author looks for an answer to these questions in political parties’ program documents and the positions they held while working out and discussing the legislation on local self-government. Apart from that, the author takes an interest in the way the parties defend their position in action, at the regional level.
¹ 3, 2003
In the “Politeia” traditional section the chronicle of the life of Russian political parties in autumn 2003 till the parliamentary elections on the 7-th of December is given. As usual the chronicle is accompanied with the analysis of the distribution of political forces in the country for this period. Special attention is naturally paid to the election campaign and its results. Author thinks that the painful effect of its final may be compared with the results of 1993 campaign. Although, unlike the elections results ten years ago the current results were quite expected.
¹ 2, 2003
In the traditional section of the “Politeia” journal Y.G.Korgunyuk examines political arrangements in Russia in the summer of 2003, when the electoral campaign de facto started, and provides a chronicle of major events in the life of political parties.
¹ 1, 2003
The author inquires about the adequacy of Lipset-Rokkan formula for studying of social conflicts in the future. He thinks that Lipset-Rokkan model is quite adequate for this purpose if to develop its theoretical basis and to view the social conflicts designated by Lipset-Rokkan theory as the stages of a single process. Yu. Korgunyuk draws attention to the coincidence of the conflicts designated by S. Lipset and S. Rokkan with the stages of the modernization process reviewing each of these stages. The author points to the necessity to differentiate between overlapping of conflicts and their mere co-existence. The situation with overlapping of conflicts is considered using examples from Russian political history.
In the traditional for “Politeia” review the chronicle of the main events in the life of Russian political parties in the period between December 2002 and March 2003 is given. As usual, such chronicle is supplemented by the analysis of the alignment of political forces in the country at this period of time. Special attention is paid to the developments in Russian political field in the light of the beginning of the regular parliamentary election campaign.
¹ 4, 2002
The traditional review of «Politeia» presents a chronicle of the main events in the life of Russian political parties in the summer-autumn 2002. As usual, the chronicle is supplemented by the analysis of the alignment of political forces in Russia during this period. Y.Korgunyuk step by step considers the situation on theright wing («The Union of the Right forces» («Soyuz pravyh sil»), «Yabloko», «Liberal Russia»), in the center («The United Russia» («Edinaya Rossiya»)), andamong the left. He ascertains in particularly the existence of sure signs of gradually beginning election campaign.
¹ 3, 2002
The author emphasizes the special role of the Moscow megapolis for Russian political parties, most of which were created here. In this respect he dwells on the specifics of the relationships between the parties and their party organizations in the capital.
The author designates the development stages of the capital multiparty system: the “heroic” phase (the end of 1980-1993), the balance phase (1994-1998), and the period when the Moscow authorities themselves were turning into a party (1998 to now.) The author analyzes the tapestry of changing Moscow multiparty political life in its constant changeability, in its dynamics. He studies the relations between political parties and their strategic and tactical partners, the Moscow authorities. According to the forecast of Youri Korgunyuk, the current decline in the political activity will be replaced by a new rise. He connects all this to the inevitable division between the power and the business circles, with business becoming an independent player at the political arena.
According to the author, the relative weakness (in comparison with Moscow, of course) of the local bureaucracy in combination with a relatively strong influence of Saint Petersburg intelligentsia was the main factor that influenced the initial stage of the development of the political life in the city. It is typical of Saint Petersburg that all processes connected with the involvement of intelligentsia into the political life were much more rapid than in Moscow, not to speak about the rest of Russia. However, in Saint Petersburg the crisis of the democratic movement, its split, the decrease in the number of the organizations associated with it happened much earlier then anywhere else.
Political parties and movements in Saint Petersburg are studied in the light of their participation in the election campaigns and primarily those for the three Legislative Assemblies. Apart from that, the article covers the clashing tendencies towards the federalization and regionalization of Saint-Petersburg political environment and relations between the city’s parties and executive bodies.
¹ 2, 2002
The review traditional for “Politeia” covers the chronicle of the main events in the life of political parties and movements in spring 2002. As usual, such chronicle is accompanied by the analysis of the arrangement of Russian political forces. Youri Korgounyuk comments on the redistribution of the State Duma committees and analyzes the inner party processes at the right wing and the left wing of the political spectrum, and especially among the centrists. In his opinion, the spring of 2002 may be without any exaggeration called the golden age of the newest Russian centrism.
¹ 1, 2002
The review traditional for “Politeia” covers the chronicle of the main events in the life of political parties and movements in winter 2001-2002. As usual, such chronicle is accompanied by the analysis of the arrangement of Russian political forces. Youri Korgounyuk draws attention to the first outcomes of the new law on political parties, comments on the processes at the right and left political wings, gives the assessment of the completive stage of the formation of the united party of the power “Unity and Fatherland” (United Russia.)
¹ 4, 2001
The traditional for «Politeia» review presents the chronicle of major events in the life of Russian political parties and movements at certain period of time. As usual the chronicle antedates the analysis of political processes. According to You.Korgunyuk, the end of summer- autumn of 2001 can be associated with the crystallization of the following tendencies – the intensive structurization of the center, the further marginalization of the left, certain crisis phenomena at the right wing.
¹ 3, 2001
The traditional for “Politeia” review gives the chronicle of the main events in the life of Russian political parties for the specific period of time. As usual, such chronicle covers the analysis of the alignment of Russian political forces. The formation of the party system and party building is assessed. Overcoming the split in the party of power, which followed the declared integration of the «Unity» and the «Fatherland», and the process of another demarcation in the liberal camp and further radicalization among the communists are considered in the review.
¹ 2, 2001
The review considers the relationships of political parties and movements of modem Russia to the problems of army and military reform. In this respect, the author analyzes both the appropriate sections in the program documents political organizations and their activity in this direction. It is asserted that the practical implementation of the party programs considerably lags behind their theoretical development. In particular, the author thinks that the hope to solve the problems of the armed forces by a substantial increase of military spending is illusionary. It is much more important where specifically the allocated means go, which supposes setting up the thorough control over the military spending.
¹ 1, 2001
The article covers a wide spectrum of the views of political parties and movements regarding independent Ukraine and its politics. The range of appropriate attitudes is followed both along the line of the perception of the Ukrainian statehood at large and more «painful» points in the bilateral relationships.
¹ 4, 2000
The author reviews the political process in Russia at the end of 2000, the role of many parties and movements in it supplementing the analysis by the chronicle of the main events.
¹ 3, 2000
The article analyzes the alignment of Russian political forces in the first months of Mr. Putin’s presidency. Having reviewed the process taking part along all the political spectrum the author shows that the subjective wishes of some representatives of the party of power to establish a tri- or tetra party system are in the line with objective tendencies - the number of real subjects of the party policy is gradually reducing. At the same time the author draws attention to the evident symptoms of the formation of a wide lobbying front which undermines the total control of the executive power over the existing Parliament. The analysis is supplemented by the coverage of the main events in the life of Russian parties in summer and the beginning of autumn 2000.
¹ 2, 2000
The author covers unification processes in Russia’s party landscape following the presidential elections and discovers links between these processes and changes in the social basis of political organizations. The analysis is accompanied by a timeline of key events in the life of the country's political parties.
¹ 1, 2000
The victory of Vladimir Poutin in the Presidential elections of March 2000 marked the completion of the «Great Russian revolution» with starting point in the end of 80s. Hereafter the questions concerning the privatization results, the limitations on private initiative, the status of private property have not to be raised. «The Great Russian revolution» of the 90s of XX century established the new state institutes; this juridical form has to be filled by the adequate social content. The analysis of the Presidential campaign is supplemented by the chronological description of the main events of the Russian party and political life in the first months of 2000.
¹ 4, 1999
Have the recent parliamentary elections approached the formation of the Russian party system? The detailed analysis of the disposition of political forces on the eve of the elections, the electoral basis and the essence of the participant parties and associations, the reasons that have conditioned the real outcome of the electoral fight and the present membership of the State Duma leads the author to the conclusion that the party system of Russia hasn't been formed. The chance to create a permanent political majority in the State Duma of the third convocation has diminished even in comparison with the previous Duma which moves the country aside the creation of the party system and as a consequence of the mechanism of social control on the public policy. The future presidential elections won't change the situation: the overt favorite doesn't belong to any political party, and, as distinct from the elections of 1996, the chance of the party candidate to win practically comes to naught. Still the main figure in Russia is a bureaucrat, concludes the author, it is not worth to dream about any party system. Before the real governing party appears the real opposition should be formed, that would encourage those in power to carry out the necessary reforms.
The material contains the chronicle of the most important events of the party life of Russia from October 1999 to the middle of January 2000.
¹ 3, 1999
The author analyses the processes in the party-political life of the country in summer-autumn 1999. The analyses is supplemented by the chronological description of the main events.
¹ 1, 1999
The author analyses the political processes in Russia and enumerates the main events that took place in Russian political life in spring of 1999.
¹ 4, 1998
Yuri Korgunyuk quotes the data that reflects the dynamics of the party life in Russia (winter 1998 - 1999) and gives the chronological report of the main political events.
¹ 3, 1998
The author analyses the processes that were going on in autumn 1998 in different parts of the political spectrum of Russia; the analyses is supplemented with the chronicle of the main events.
¹ 2, 1998
In the Supplement to the review Yuri Korgounyuk analyses the processes that developed in summer1998 in various parts of the political spectrum of Russia; alongside with the analyses there is a chronological scheme of the main events.
¹ 1, 1998
Yuri Kargunyuk quotes the data that reflects the dynamics of the party life in Russia (Winter-spring 1997-1998) and gives the chronological report of the main political events.
¹ 4, 1997
The author classifies all Russian political parties in accordance with the role of religion in their political programs; public disputes around the law «On the freedom of Consciousness and Religious Associations» are also discussed.
¹ 3, 1997
In the appendix to the issue Yu. Korguniuk provides an overview of the Russia parties dynamics during the autumn of 1997 within the framework of major events.
¹ 2, 1997
In the appendix to the issue Yu. orguniuk provides an overview of the Russian parties dynamics during the summer of 1997 within the framework of major events.
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